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Unearthing
a city's past: the archaeology of Little Lonsdale Street
by Merrill Findlay,
for Habitat
Australia, 1990
It's
called the Body Corporate, the staff gym at Price Waterhouse,
the transnational firm of accountants on the corner of
Melbourne's Spring and Lonsdale Streets. There's this
guy on the floor pumping metal in his lunch hour. Can't
stop to talk because his heart rate'll drop. Soon he'll
slip into the change room - quick shower and blow dry,
white shirt, silk tie and dark suit - and emerge again
as a post-industrial executive.
He'll return to his desk
somewhere below and the lift will talk to him. "Going
down" it will say, in a satin female voice. "Have a nice
day." And he'll glide along the designer carpeted corridor,
through the post modern art deco chambers, past the fresh
florist flowers, and take his seat before his visual display
terminal for an afternoon of cost benefit analysis.
Though
he may rarely take his eyes from his screen to gaze through
the plate glass windows, this man has the history of Melbourne
before him, as told in stone, bricks and cement. At middle
distance the wedding cake dome of the Exhibition Building
surrounded by its old elms that ache with the nostalgia
of our European cultural heritage. A little closer, two
edifices which speak of a more recent but less romantic
past: the grim modernist Telecom Exchange tower and the
now deserted asbestos ridden public service building known
with nil affection, as the "green latrine".
In
the foreground, storeys below, relics from a different
heritage hunch, derelict and bedraggled, in a pitted landscape
that looks like Beirut or Massawa after the bombings.
These old buildings, right in the heart of the Central
Activities District, somehow won the game of demolition
roulette that randomly made car parks of everything else
historic or beautiful on the block. Their empty shells
are now all we have left of the Back Slums of nineteenth
century Melbourne.
This
whole city block, once home to 10-15,000 people, was acquired
by the Commonwealth in 1948 and since then, its future
has been debated by two generations of politicians, bureaucrats,
architects and urban planners.
Over
these three decades of indecision, society's values have
changed; we are now less eager than we once were to destroy
our material links with the past. In this era of post-modernism,
we have learned to integrate the old with the new. This
means that the few stone and brick structures on this
block that have survived less sympathetic times, are at
last, safe. Their historic form will remain, but their
function?
Ah,
no more the Back Slums! These old buildings, including
a tiny three room workers' cottage originally built in
1850, are destined to become cafes and galleries and restaurants
and boutique pubs and specialty shops for young transnational
post-industrial executives from Price Waterhouse and thousands
of public servants who will occupy the new office towers
soon to emerge from the parking lots, and .
But
the former residents of the Back Slums are not forgotten.
They speak to us even yet through more than a century
of time. Because one day, when plans were being formalised
for the new office development, Ivar Nelsen, the Australian
Construction Services' heritage architect and environment
officer, ticked a box marked "archaeological impact" on
a Commonwealth procedures checklist. With this single
enlightened stroke of a bureaucratic pen he initiated
Australia's largest urban archaeological excavation and
salvage operation, and furthered the process of reconstructing
Melbourne's nineteenth and early twentieth century social
history from the point of view of its slum dwellers.
Until
now, the dominant perception of the lives of these people
has been built on sensationalised descriptions of the
Back Slums that appeared in the popular press of the day.
This city block was, as colonial playwright Louis Essen
wrote, "the mecca of all outcasts of society." Here "respectable"
people were garrotted and robbed, lured into Chinese opium
dens or sly grog houses, and seduced in brothels. All
the women were prostitutes and all the men were criminals.
Collectively they were dismissed as "the lower classes."
Stanley
James, writing as The Vagabond in The Argus, May 26, 1878,
claimed, with high minded indignation:
The
habitations are mostly of a kind, one storeyed hovels,
low, dilapidated and dirty. The surroundings are filth
and garbage.
Go through these on a summer's afternoon. The occupants
you will see are mostly women and of a type - low, degraded,
brutal looking who, young and old, see, as if virtue
and purity have never been known to them even by name.
Young girls - there are many here - have their freshness
overshadowed by vice. The hovels which are small being
generally tenanted by several couples, cause society
in their neighbourhood to be of a very public kind,
the doorsteps, the kerbstones, and the centre of the
road forming a convenient resting place for the female
population.
C.
J. Dennis, as a down-and-out poet, found cheap lodgings
in this ghetto and used it as a setting for much of his
poetry. His Sentimental Bloke boasted that he "spen's me
leisure gittin' on the shick, An' 'arf me nights down there,
in Little Lons., Wiv Ginger Mick." (This was the place too
that Mother Mary McKillop, potentially Australia's first
saint, set up her school and soup kitchen for those who
had fallen from grace.)
Dennis'
reference to "Little Lons", (Little Lonsdale Street, once
the main thoroughfare of this neighbourhood) gave the
archaeological excavation its name and it is clear that
the archaeologists and volunteers who worked on the Little
Lons site sympathised more with C. J.'s gutsy celebration
of the block and its residents than they did with The
Vagabond's middle class moralising.
"You
wonder what happened to some of these people," site director
Justin McCarthy mused as he decoded their stories from
the material culture they left behind. Broken crockery,
old bottles, buttons, coins, clothes, the remains of people's
meals, marbles, trinkets, children's toys - to an archaeologist,
these artifacts read like a book to reveal how people
once lived.
When
artifacts are found in undisturbed layers of earth, clear
inferences can be made about how they got there, who put
them there and how they might have been used. In the Little
Lons excavation, the demolition processes that reduced
most of the site to car parks, disturbed all but a few
structural remains and the deep features like the old
cess pits or rubbish pits.
These
pits were dug meticulously and the fill from them, including
the original organic waste, was put through a froth flotation
process to recover grains and fruit seeds, hair and other
fibres, insect remains and small bones of rodents etc.
These are still being analysed and are expected to reveal
much about people's diet and the changes that have taken
place in Australian agriculture over the last century.
In
one pit, Pit N, 8,000 artifacts were recovered. These
included the remains of 26 shoes (19 men's, 6 women's
and one child's), pieces of three shirts (one flannel,
one finely woven wool and one unidentified cloth), one
shirt or blouse made from fine green cotton, one finely
woven wool jacket, one dark grey knee length wool sock,
two pairs of woollen trousers, pieces from unidentified
clothes, a belt buckle, buttons made from a variety of
materials including wood, white glass, shell, brass, bronze,
ferrous metal, bone, ceramic and bakelite, and several
coins, including an 1862 halfpenny, an 1835 shilling,
an unidentifiable penny sized coin and a 1853 Swiss centime.
Also
in this pit were 4,552 whole bottles or fragments of bottles,
and 1,242 corks! According to their makers marks, most
of the bottles were once filled with fine French champagne
and other wines, including an 1815 Bordeaux vintage.
With
careful academic conservatism, Justin stated in his five
volume report on Stage 1 of the excavation: "It could
well be that this location presents the profile of the
material cultural remains of a brothel site," though the
evidence, he says, is "fairly circumstantial"!
He
and his colleagues poured over old directories and Melbourne
City Council rate books in the hope of matching the material
culture recovered from the pits with actual people. Not
surprisingly, there were no records of a brothel operating
on the allotment associated with Pit N, though a "store"
run there by a Mrs Bond and a "furniture mart" operated
by a Mr Morris Cohen might have, in reality, been the
kind of establishments that served, amongst other things,
fine Bordeaux wine to clients.
Undeniably,
the sex industry provided employment for many single women
living on the excavation site in the nineteenth century.
According to a Constable John Whyte, twenty four brothels
operated on the block in 1884. Most of these were humble
two or three room cottages shared by several women working
together. Others were more "refined" establishments closely
associated with the colony's ruling elite. (Indeed, archaeologists
and volunteers hoped they would unearth Victoria's Parliamentary
Mace which disappeared in one such brothel on the block
after it was used in a mock session of Parliament there
in October 1891.)
The
conditions that most people endured in the Back Slums,
whether they were workers in the sex industry, Chinese
cabinet makers, Hindu hawkers, Syrian traders, blacksmiths,
grocers, butchers, sly grog shop proprietors or people
who just had to make a living any way they could, are
hard for us to imagine today.
Here,
a multicultural community lived in what we would consider
Third World conditions - with high infant and maternal
mortality, low literacy, excessive overcrowding, contaminated
water, poor drainage and waste disposal, excessive air
pollution, inadequate personal hygiene, typhoid each summer,
dysentery, scarlet fever, diphtheria, measles, tuberculosis;
unemployment, hunger. A Royal Commission in 1889 reported
that 70% of Victorians who died over the age of 20, died
penniless. Their staple diet throughout their lives was
considered worse than the food served to prisoners.
The
archaeological record complements much of what we know
of these people's lives from historic documents, even
the records of the stench of their polluted urban environment.
"When
we pulled up some of the stones in a laneway, we found
a hard black clay layer which would have been the old
lane surface before it was pitched," Justin McCarthy explained.
"One day we had some rain and when the water got on this
black layer, it was putrid. It just stank."
This
was the stench of overflowing cess pits and water closets,
of human excrement mixed with horse manure from the streets,
of blood and offal from the slaughter yard on the block,
which, (according to a Melbourne Metroplitan Board of
Works archive) flowed down the lanes, under the houses,
and even through them. It was the stench of a rainy day
in the slums of Melbourne in the mid to late nineteenth
century. The smell of typhoid and of poverty.
The
Little Lons excavation also revealed another past. Two
large red gum stumps discovered in archaeological units
06 and 22 re-established the city's link with the pre-European
landscape the Wirundjeri people knew.
"One
stump was under what were the foundations of the old Salvation
Army Depot," said David Banear who worked on the site.
"A volunteer working with us was dying of leukemia and
she was really touched by what she called the 'female
spirit' of that tree. She helped get it out and always
referred to it as 'her' tree. And the urban historian
Patrick Miller was almost reduced to tears. He said he'd
only seen Melbourne as old buildings before, but here
was this old tree ..."
"We
exposed the roots and gave a bloke a beer to pull it out
with his back hoe. It came out like a great tooth.
"That
was one of the greatest moments in my life as an archaeologist,"
David admitted. "It has been suggested the National Trust
put the tree on its register and that Admin. Services
put in their new building."
From
river red gums, to overcrowded slums (and bordellos serving
vintage Bordeaux), to 40 storey office towers. From Aboriginal
hunter gathers, to "outcasts of society," to transnational
post-industrial executives. Same place. Different times.
And
the future for Little Lons?
You
can get a glimpse of that, I'm afraid, at Rockman's Regency
Cafe across the road in Exhibition Street, where young
suit and tied PIEs (post-industrial executives) meet now
in their lunch hours. They perch on impossibly uncomfortable
but very fashionable Italian wire stools and carelessly
thumb through copies of Business Review Weekly or Vogue
Living. Turkey breast on multigrain. Espresso. And, for
something a little special - French champagne. Same place,
different vintage. But what will the archaeological record
say in another hundred years?
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revised March 2004 and 5 January 2005. This page created 21 January 2008. |
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